The history of the formation of the political and economic elite in the Sverdlovsk region

Kirovsky district of Sverdlovsk (authorities)

On June 25, 1943, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR approved the decision of the Sverdlovsk City Executive Committee on the formation of three new districts in the city of Sverdlovsk, including the Kirovsky District. On the territory of the region were located the largest scientific organizations not only of Sverdlovsk, but of the entire Ural region: the Ural Scientific Center of the USSR Academy of Sciences, the Ural Polytechnic Institute, the Ural State University.

After the Second World War, the state, which called its workers and peasants its support, increasingly began to recognize the importance of knowledge workers for the country, who were called the intelligentsia and were previously considered a socially alien class. During perestroika, officially announced in 1985, party leaders mentioned the intelligentsia in their addresses to the people on an equal basis with workers and peasants. It was on the intelligentsia that the leadership of the CPSU pinned its hopes for economic growth in the country, and it was for the sake of unlocking the potential of the intelligentsia that the processes of political liberalization were initiated in the country.

Accordingly, the Kirovsky district of Sverdlovsk, which even before perestroika played an important role in the formation of the political and economic elite of the Sverdlovsk region, acquired paramount importance during Rebuilding.

Boris Yeltsin , a graduate of the UPI, began his party career in the Kirovsky district committee of the CPSU. Yeltsin himself could hardly be attributed to the intelligentsia, but he became the banner of the renewal of the state apparatus, and the scientific bureaucracy, which in the Sverdlovsk region was concentrated in the Kirovsky district of Sverdlovsk, supported Yeltsin with all its organizational, financial and human resources.

With the support of the Kirovsky District Committee of the Komsomol, even before the perestroika, the Council of Young Scientists of the Kirovsky District was created. Alexander Urmanov and Gennady Burbulistook part in the work of the Council, who later played a significant role in Boris Yeltsin's entourage. Also, Vladimir Isakov took part in the work of the Council, who in 1990 headed one of the chambers of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR.

It cannot be said that there was democracy in the Kirovsky district of Sverdlovsk, while the party apparatus reigned supreme in other territories. But in the Kirovsky region there were more people who were predisposed to the changes in the political climate that the reformist circles of the CPSU carried out.

For example, in 1987, the former deputy of the Kirovsky District Council of People's Deputies Vladimir Shakhrin (leader of the Chaif rock group) publicly refused to take part in the elections of People's Deputies as a voter, which at that time was almost a criminal act. The secretary of the Kirovsky district committee of the CPSU, Yevgeny Porunov, explained this with an insult that Shakhrin had not been nominated for the new convocation. Shakhrin himself explained his act by the fact that he wants to introduce a multi-member electoral system all over the country at the same time, and also by the fact that nothing depended on him as a deputy, and everything was decided by the regional executive committee. Deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR from Sverdlovsk Academician Sergei Vonsovsky expressed understanding of Shakhrin's position. The editorial board of the Uralsky Rabochy newspaper (the organ of the Sverdlovsk regional committee of the CPSU) as a whole positively characterized Shakhrin, reproaching the Kirov regional committee of the CPSU and the regional executive committee.

On the territory of the Kirovsky district, the first in the Sverdlovsk region and the second in the country project for the construction of a Youth Housing Complex (MHK) was implemented. MZhK were called upon not only to solve the housing problem for young people, but also to contribute to the formation of local self-government. During perestroika, the cable television of the Sverdlovsk MZhK was called by some researchers of the perestroika period an outpost of glasnost not only within the Sverdlovsk region, but also in the USSR as a whole. One of the founders of the Sverdlovsk MZhK Karelova Galina Nikolaevna became a prominent figure in the democratic movement, was elected to government bodies at various levels, from April 2003 to March 2004 she held the post of Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation.

In 1987, elements of a market economy began to be introduced in the country in the form of cooperatives and centers of scientific and technical creativity of young people.

One of the most important roles in the development of the cooperative movement was played by the district executive committees of the Soviets of People's Deputies. Among the first cooperatives organized in the Sverdlovsk region was the cooperative "Metiz", which worked with the Revda hardware and metallurgical plant. The cooperative was registered in December 1986 by the Kirovsky district executive committee of Sverdlovsk.

The Kirovsky district committee of the Komsomol became a pioneer in the Sverdlovsk region in terms of organizing centers for scientific and technical creativity of youth (CSTCY). In accordance with the normative acts adopted in the USSR, CSTCY received the right to receive up to 70% of the amount of the concluded contract in cash in the form of salaries. This made CSTCY, along with cooperatives, profit-making centers at a time when elements of a market economy were just beginning to be introduced in the country. One of the largest CSTCY in the Sverdlovsk region was the CSTCY "Sverdlovsk", created at the Ural Polytechnic Institute, which was supervised by the committees of the Komsomol and the Communist Party of the Kirovsky district.

The political elite of the Kirovsky district of Sverdlovsk of this period (1987-1990) formed one of the poles of the power elite of the Sverdlovsk region, which successfully competed with all the leaders of the Sverdlovsk region in the 1990s and 2000s.

In the early 1990s, the former first secretary of the Kirovsky district committee of the CPSU in Sverdlovsk, Anatoly Vasilyevich Ishutin, and the former chairman of the Kirovsky district executive committee, Boris Mikhailovich Smolin, were the deputy heads of the Yekaterinburg city administration.

Sergei Vasilyevich Taushkanov, who was the first secretary of the Kirovsky district committee of the Komsomol, in the early 1990s led the Sverdlovsk city committee of the Komsomol, and in the second half of the 1990s he headed the executive committee of the movement "Our home is our city", which served as a base of public support for the head of the city. Yekaterinburg Arkady Chernetsky.

Former chairman of the Kirovsky district executive committee Vladimir Valentinovich Sokolov in 1991-1993 was the chairman of the committee for state property management of the Sverdlovsk region, and in 1993-1995 he headed the Russian Federal Property Fund.

In 1991, the chairman of the Kirovsky District Council of People's Deputies, Yuri Aleksandrovich Brusnitsyn, headed the Coordination Council of the District Councils of Yekaterinburg, which was viewed as an alternative center of power in Yekaterinburg as opposed to the city Council of People's Deputies. In the late 1990s, Yuri Brusnitsyn was the representative of the President of Russia in the Sverdlovsk region.

Former first secretary of the Kirovsky district committee of the CPSU, Evgeny Nikolaevich Porunov, from 2005 to 2013, was the chairman of the Duma of Yekaterinburg. Since 2010, the chairman of the Duma formally began to be considered the head of the city of Yekaterinburg.

With the participation of the Kirovsky district committee of the CPSU, a party-political club was created at the UPI. The purpose of the club was to unite the politically active employees of the UPI, both members and not members of the CPSU. The working group of the party club prepared a draft platform of the communists for the XXVIII Congress of the CPSU and the Charter of the CPSU.

At the All-Union Conference of Party Clubs and Party Organizations of the USSR, held on January 20-21, 1990, in which the UPI Party-Political Club also took part, the Democratic Platform of the CPSU was created. This conference did not receive support from the Politburo and the Central Committee of the CPSU. In the work of the conference, the leading role was played by the People's Deputies of the USSR, members of the Interregional Deputy Group, which was in opposition to the leadership of the CPSU. The creators of the Democratic Platform announced plans to transform the CPSU into a democratic party operating in a multi-party system. People's Deputy of the USSR Gennady Burbulis and Deputy Secretary of the Party Committee of the UPI Sergeev Dmitry Mikhailovich were elected members of the Coordination Council of the Democratic Platform from the Ural region. In addition, Boris Yeltsin was elected a member of the Coordination Council.

The country's second commodity exchange was established in Sverdlovsk. Among the founders of the Sverdlovsk exchange was the Kirovsky district executive committee.

Judges of the Kirovsky District Court in the 1990s and 2000s considered the most resonant cases against high-ranking officials and large organized criminal groups.

In 1999, the head of the Kirovskiy ROVD Sergei Leonidovich Griboyedov was dismissed, presumably in connection with the revealed violations in the activities of employees of the Kirovskiy ROVD. Sergei Griboyedov was appointed advisor to the head of Yekaterinburg, Arkady Chernetsky, and in 2001 he was elected to the Yekaterinburg City Duma. The media published information that Sergei Griboyedov allegedly assisted the vice-mayor of Yekaterinburg, Viktor Konteev, serving as an intermediary between Konteev and the leadership of the Yekaterinburg Internal Affairs Directorate. In 2012, Viktor Konteev was charged with organizing murders and economic crimes.

The media published information that the head of the department for combating drug trafficking of the Kirovskiy district police department, Vladimir Sobol, allegedly orga-nized a criminal group engaged in drug trafficking. His subordinate Oleg Girfanov was detained while trying to sell drugs. After initiating an audit of the department's activities by the Central Internal Affairs Directorate for the Sverdlovsk Region, Vladimir Sobol resigned in February 2000. In 2004, Vladimir Sobol was charged with drug dealing. In 2006, he was sentenced to 15 years in prison.

In 2000, the prosecutor of the Kirovsky district, Boris Vasilievich Kuznetsov, who had worked in this position for 10 years, was appointed prosecutor of Yekaterinburg, and in 2001 - the prosecutor of the Sverdlovsk region. It was assumed that Boris Kuznetsov was loyal to the head of Yekaterinburg, Arkady Chernetsky.

In 2000, the head of Yekaterinburg, Arkady Chernetsky, ran for deputies of the House of Representatives of the Legislative Assembly of the Sverdlovsk region in the Ki-rovsky district of Yekaterinburg, presumably due to the exceptional loyalty of the authorities of the Kirovsky district (and administrative, judicial, and law enforcement) in relation to Chernetsky.

In 2001, in the Kirovsky district of Yekaterinburg, the first company in the city formally independent from the municipal authorities was created to manage the housing stock. It was assumed that the system of municipal housing management should be transferred to private hands in order to improve the efficiency of management. The non-profit housing management company "Radomir" was created on the basis of the municipal housing enterprise "Kurs-2000", the director of which headed the company "Radomir". The property and housing, which are under the management of the municipal enterprise, were donated to the company "Radomir". The Coordination Council of the Radomir company (the highest managing body of the company) includes representatives of the Yekaterinburg administration. Considering all this, it was difficult to assess the Radomir company as independent from the municipal authorities. In fact, it was the same municipal enterprise, only with a lower level of responsibility. A positive moment could be considered the possibility of creating competition for the company "Radomir", which would have been impossible in the monopoly of municipal enterprises. However, the extremely favorable conditions created for the company "Radomir" by the administration of Yekaterinburg made the likelihood of competition with "Radomir" negligible.

In 2009, the former head of the Sverdlovsk railway, Alexander Sergeevich Misharin, was appointed governor of the Sverdlovsk region. Alexander Misharin was closely associated with the Foratec company, which, in turn, had significant ties with influential persons in the Kirovsky district. This, however, did not help to reduce the intensity of the confrontation between the regional authorities and the mayor's office of Yekaterinburg.

In 2010, changes were made to the charter of Yekaterinburg, according to which the head of the city began to be called the chairman of the city Duma, who at that time was the former first secretary of the Kirovsky district committee of the CPSU Yevgeny Nikolaevich Porunov. The head of the city lost the right to possess economic powers, which passed into the jurisdiction of the head of the city administration, so Evgeny Porunov became the head of the city only nominally.

In 2011, at the elections of deputies to the State Duma of the Russian Federation, the Kirov branch of the United Russia party was noted, showing the lowest result in the Sverdlovsk region (22.4%). The party list of candidates for the Kirov district was headed by the head of Yekaterinburg, Yevgeny Porunov. The party of power in Yekaterinburg was overtaken by the party "Fair Russia". It was even suggested that the city administration deliberately supported Fair Russia in order to annoy the governor of the Sverdlovsk region, Alexander Misharin, who was trying to suppress the independence of the city authorities. It is more likely, however, that the highly educated stratum of the population, which is higher in the Kirovsky district than in other territories not only in the Sverdlovsk region, but also in Yekaterinburg, has demonstrated distrust of the United Russia party. Thus, according to the leadership of the Ural Federal University (which united UPI and Ural State University), the turnout of students in these elections was twice as high as their turnout in the last elections. Subsequently, in 2012, it was this social stratum that was the main mass protest actions against the alleged falsification of the election results to the State Duma of the Russian Federation. However, in Yekaterinburg, these actions had much less resonance than in Moscow.

Date of information update: 2016.